If anyone bothered to read the National Academies Report that I posted...there is a really good (and un-biased / ideological) assessment of what we know and don't know:
Empirical research on firearms and violence has resulted in important findings that can inform policy decisions. In particular, a wealth of descriptive information exists about the prevalence of firearm-related injuries and deaths, about firearms markets, and about the relationships between rates of gun ownership and violence. Research has found, for example, that higher rates of household firearms ownership are associated with higher rates of gun suicide, that illegal diversions from legitimate commerce are important sources of crime guns and guns used in suicide, that firearms are used defensively many times per day, and that some types of targeted police interventions may effectively lower gun crime and violence. This information is a vital starting point for any constructive dialogue about how to address the problem of firearms and violence.
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There is hardly a more contentious issue in American society than the ownership of firearms and various proposals for their control. To make reasonable decisions about these matters, public authorities must take account of conflicting constitutional claims and divided public opinion as well as the facts about the relationship between firearms and violence. In performing these tasks, policy makers must try to strike a reasonable balance between the costs and the benefits of private firearm ownership.
The costs seem obvious. In 2000, over 48,000 victims suffered nonfatal gunshot wounds (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2001) and over 10,000 were murdered with a firearm (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2001). Many more people, though not shot, are confronted by assailants armed with a gun. Young people are especially affected by this, so much so that firearm fatalities consistently rank among the leading causes of death per capita for youth. In 2000, people ages 20 to 24 accounted for almost one-fourth of all victims of homicides with a firearm (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2001). Moreover, there are more suicides than homicides that are committed with firearms. And firearm-related accidents result in many serious injuries.
These grim facts must be interpreted with caution. Firearms are involved in homicides and suicides, but determining how many would have occurred had no firearm been available is at best a difficult task. Between 1980 and 1984 there were more than three times as many nongun homicides per capita in America than in England (Zimring and Hawkins, 1998). There were over 41,000 nongun homicides and over 63,000 gun homicides in the United States during this period. New York City has had a homicide rate that is 8 to 15 times higher than Londons for at least the last 200 years, long before either city could have had its rates affected by English gun control laws, the advent of dangerous drugs, or the supposedly harmful effects of the mass media (Monkkonen, 2001). Thus, the United States arguably has a high level of violence and homicide independent of firearm availability. Nonetheless, today homicides by a firearm occur in
the United States at a rate that is more than 63 times that of England, so firearms, though not the sole source of violence, play a large role in it (Zimring and Hawkins, 1998).
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Many people reading this report will ask whether the committee favors or opposes gun control, accepts or rejects the right of people to own guns, and endorses or questions the conflicting interpretations of the Second Amendment to the U.S. Constitution (the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed).
Resolving these issues, though important, is not the task the committee was given. We were asked to evaluate the data and research on firearm violence to see what is known about the causal connection, if any, between firearms on one hand and violence, suicide, and personal defense on the other. In carrying out this task, we have tried to do what scholars are supposed to donamely, assess the reliability of evidence about the ownership of firearms and discern what, if anything, is known about the connection between firearms and violence. This involves looking at not only how many firearms are owned and who owns them but also the complex personality, social, and circumstantial factors that intervene between a firearm and its use and the effect, if any, of programs designed to reduce the likelihood that a firearm will cause unjustified harm.1 It also includes investigating the effectiveness of firearm use in self-defense. It does not include making judgments about whether individuals should be allowed to possess firearms or whether specific firearm control proposals should be enacted.
Questions of cause-and-effect and more-or-less are not how many Americans think about firearms. Some individuals believe that firearm ownership is a right that flows directly from the Second Amendment or indirectly from every citizens right to self-defense. Others believe that there is no right to bear arms, and that firearms play little or no role in self-defense.
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Our report is not for or against gun control. (We put gun control in quotation marks because it is so vague: gun control can range from preventing four-year-old children from owning guns to banning their ownership by competent adults.) Knowing how strongly so many Americans feel about firearms and various proposals to control or prevent controls on their ownership, we here state emphatically that our task is to determine what can be learned from existing data and studies that rely on them and to make recommendations about how the knowledge base could be effectively improved. Readers of this report should not be surprised that the committee often concludes that very little can be learned. The committee was not called into being to make policy about firearms. Political officials, responding not only to data and studies but also to widely held (and often passionately opposed) public beliefs, will have to make policy. They should do so, however, with an understanding of what is known and not known about firearms and violence.